A Postcolonial Exploration of Identities in Voluntourism: A Cambodian Case Study.

by Aja (Haydn-Myer) Halweg

Abstract:

By incorporating a development-based, local owned NGO in Cambodia as a case study, this research seeks to better comprehend the relationship between the volunteer and the host community in volunteer tourism for the purpose of understanding how postcolonial discourses shape and motivate interpersonal interactions. With limited literature available on this particular topic, this research endeavors to answer the question, “Is ‘voluntourism’ perpetuating Orientalist discourses and beliefs, or is it providing a space for social and cultural cohesion?” in hopes that filling the missing gaps will further understanding about how volunteers can aid in maximizing the development in other countries and cultures.

Through the use of participant observation and interviews, it was found for this particular case study, that postcolonial discourses do have an impact on the relationship and partnership building between the volunteer and the host community because of Orientalism, ‘othering’ and self-Orientalism. While postcolonial knowledge about the ‘other’ does shape the relationships being formed, it is not always to the detriment of the relationship and can, in fact, help the host community to obtain aid and support from volunteer tourists while providing the ability to break preconceived notions about the ‘other’ and create new discourses that could benefit development projects and NGOs in the future.

1. Introduction

The desire to help others is ingrained in almost all of us. ‘Making a difference in the world’ and ‘giving back to the community’ are common driving forces among those who intend to ‘do good’ and help those less fortunate than they (Vrasti, 2013: 2). Volunteering is one of the ways a person is able to aid the poor, which can done through many different avenues, whether it be a local venture or the volunteer travels internationally. The media and volunteer tourism brochures provide a continuous construction of those living in developing countries as hopeless, helpless victims and ‘you’, in the Global North, can save them (Mohanty, 1991). Opportunities for volunteering include anything from serving food in soup kitchens, saving endangered plants and animals, teaching English, as well as development of communities and healthcare, and are most commonly found in developing countries. A Google search quickly informs one that when it comes to volunteering, the choices are endless. There are more than 1.6 million visitors who take part in volunteer tourism in developing countries each year (TRAM, 2008).

The case study used for this research is an non-governmental organization (NGO) located in Cambodia and was selected because of an influx of media attention and discussion based on the effectiveness and/or harm caused by the increase of volunteer tourism in Cambodia (Papi, 2013). Because of mass tourism, the last ten years has caused Siem Reap, Cambodia to “become an island of urban development surrounded by sustained rural poverty” (Winter, 2007: 109). This rural poverty causes Siem Reap to be a ‘hot-bed’ for NGOs and volunteer tourists. Cambodia is said to have 3,000 NGOs, making it a country with the second most NGOs per capita in the world (Auerbach, 2010: beyondtourism.com). A large majority of the 3,000 NGOs accept volunteers as part of their model.

Cambodia is popular for hosting volunteer tourists and being the home to many NGOs because of its recent tumultuous history and an era of colonialism lasting from 1863 to 1954 (Winter, 2007). In the 1990s, the country began the process of rebuilding its social and structural damage, which introduced the “frenzy” of millions of international tourists (Winter, 2007: 1). Cambodia is represented by media and tourist brochures as a dichotomous place of tragedy and beauty, which attracts both mass tourists and volunteer tourists in large quantities (Winter, 2006). This type of media attention has helped Cambodia to receive billions of dollars in aid money from all over the world causing it to become “one of the world’s most aid-dependent countries of the late twentieth century” (Winter & Chau-Pech Ollier, 2006: 11), and thereby continuing the cycle of poverty and the need for financial assistance from NGOs and volunteer tourists alike.

1.1 What is volunteer tourism?_______________________________________________

Volunteer tourism “represents the blending of your favourite passions and, perhaps, pastimes. History, culture, geography, environment and the recreation of exploration meet the inspiration of your voluntary efforts in serving a destination and its residents. Body, mind and soul respond to the awakening of thoughts, feelings, emotions, via a labour of gratitude that is offered as a part of your overall itinerary. VolunTourism provides you with perspective and balance. You are able to utilize your ‘six’ senses and interact with your destination in ways that had previously existed beyond your capacity of expectation. This is travel that unites your purpose and passion and ignites your enthusiasm in ways unimaginable” (Clemmons, 2009).

In the last twenty years volunteer tourism, also known as ‘voluntourism’, has become increasingly popular (Vrasti, 2013). Though voluntourism has many contested definitions because of its many types, for the purpose of this paper volunteer tourists are defined as people who “volunteer in an organized way to undertake holidays that may involve the aiding or alleviating of material poverty of some groups of society, the restoration of certain environments, or research into aspects of society or environment” (Wearing, 2001: 1). Volunteer tourism can be viewed as a combination of tourism, development work, and education (Keese, 2011). Voluntourism is different than studying traditional tourism in that volunteer tourism requires an element of helping others. Tourism, as defined by Jafari (1977), is “a study of man away from his usual habitat, of the industry which responds to his needs, and the impact that both he and the industry have on the host socio-cultural, economic and physical environments” (as quoted by Burns, 1999: 30). Generally, traditional tourism, or mass tourism, lacks the element of intentionally helping the local community or environment.

Though voluntourism has been steadily increasing over the last few decades, it is not a new phenomenon (Vrasti, 2013). Historically, volunteering and tourism have a past that dates back to the nineteenth century when doctors, teachers and missionaries began travelling to help others, but has become increasingly more popular since the 1990’s amongst young people, school groups and families (Benson, 2011, Daldeniz & Hampton, 2011). This increase of volunteers has caused a lot of discussion about whether this act of philanthropy is causing more benefit than damage because of under-skilled volunteers, and environmental, economic, and cultural damage done through careless thoughts or actions and little attention paid to the host community.

Voluntourism gives the impression of a world coming together to share experiences, cultures and craft, to advance and better lives of impoverished people, bolster dwindling plant or animal species, and develop safer and cleaner living conditions. But how well does this actually work when a mixing of backgrounds, cultures, and beliefs are at work? Existing work on this topic demonstrates a lack in information about representation and ideologies associated with volunteer tourism and little research has been done to understand the relationship between the volunteer and the host community. This research will attempt to fill that gap by considering the position of the volunteer in their work environment as well as the interaction and perception held by both the beneficiaries about the volunteers, and the volunteers about the local population.

1.2 Contribution and structure of this paper____________________________________

There are a lack of questions asked about what this means from a postcolonial perspective, both as a volunteer and as a beneficiary or the local community in voluntourism. What ideologies and representations are created and distributed through such acts of seeming kindness and philanthropy? The message spread to the Western world is often a dichotomous, Orientalist view of rich versus poor or Global North versus Global South. It is one that usually defines the Global North as those who hold the key to solving the world’s problems by providing one more dollar, planting one more seed, or sharing their profound knowledge to those who are poorer and less educated. Problems found underneath the umbrella of postcolonial theory are generally only concerned with the volunteer tourist and no one else (Woosnam & Lee, 2011). This research will aim to understand the position of the beneficiaries through an intimate cultural perspective as well as input from the NGO and volunteer tourists in order to question the ‘charge’ of benefits of volunteer tourism being found for the traveller more so than the host community (Vrasti, 2013).

This paper begins with a review of the literature on volunteer tourism and postcolonial theory as it relates to the building of relationships between host community and volunteers in voluntourism. This is followed with a discussion about the background for selecting the case study, methodologies used within the research, and an in depth look at the research findings. The aim of this paper is to better position Western volunteers to have a good impact and build strong, beneficial relationships with host communities to improve the efficacy and long-term sustainability of volunteer tourism.

2. Theoretical chapter

The amount of literature available on volunteer tourism is advancing quickly with the popularity and growth of the field. Voluntourism is often interrogated regarding benefits versus harm caused by the participants and sending organizations without first looking at the formation of relationships making the benefit or harm possible. The following literature review will focus on the phenomenon of volunteer tourism, and how postcolonial discourses, namely Orientalism, impact and shape people’s identities and the way relationships are formed, as well as how power dynamics are constructed because of postcolonial conceptions setting up a binary between the Global North and the Global South.

2.1 Literature Review (Key findings and controversies)___________________________

“Volunteer tourism is increasingly viewed and marketed by governments, non-government agencies and private-commercial operators globally as a creative and non-consumptive solution to a wide range of social and environmental issues that manifest in diverse communities globally. However, this view is based on the often unchallenged belief in a symbiotic relationship between volunteering and tourism – in reality this relationship is complex and fraught with potential inequities and challenges” (Lyons & Wearing, 2008: 6).

Volunteer tourism is often viewed as an opportunity for young people to obtain experience for their CVs while exploring unknown lands and experiencing life in a different culture. The most common volunteer is noted to be the middle-class, white, “bourgeoisie” (Vrasti, 2013: 23). According to many bodies of literature on the topic, voluntourism can be “as much a journey of the self as it is a journey to help others” (Wearing, DeVille & Lyons, 2008: 63). Much of the literature about volunteer tourism takes a volunteer centered approach and looks at the impacts on the tourist rather than the local community receiving aid. Discourse surrounding volunteer tourism propels the volunteer to make the choice to volunteer calling it a “win-win situation” because of the opportunity to “explore new depths of their own personas while making a charitable contribution to the world” (Vrasti, 2013: 5).

However, volunteer tourism, according to the literature, is a double-edged sword. The abundance of literature available about voluntourism informs the reader that for every good argument, there is a negative argument to quickly follow. For example, Wearing and Grabowski (2011) stated, “local communities are theoretically, physically and economically excluded by the tourism industry. This then creates the basis for these communities to be ‘othered’ in the tourism experience and raises the issues that surround the ideas inherent to volunteer tourism and intercultural exchange” (197). What this means is that mass tourism can play a negative role on both cultural and social values, while there are an abundance of claims that “communities and the environment are generally the priority of volunteer tourism” (Wearing, 2001: 13). Voluntourism is touted as an industry allowing local communities to incorporate outside knowledge for things like project planning and education, support of NGOs in a sustainable way, and the sharing of cultural values (Vrasti, 2013). Volunteer tourism is marketed as a “multiculturalist appreciation for cultural diversity, a romantic reverence for nature and tradition and what seems to be a genuine desire to help but also learn from other cultures and people” (Vrasti, 2013: 1).

The most common question asked of the volunteer host relationship is whether or not it allows for the host community to maintain a decision-making position and not acknowledging their agency (Ingram, 2011). And one of many criticisms about voluntourism is that it’s a “process of acculturation through which Third World cultures are assimilated into materialistic First World lifestyles” (Mowforth & Munty, 2009: 260). Volunteers are commonly assumed to have a greater knowledge than the local community, which is why they are choosing to share their time. Knowledge is embedded in power relations and because volunteers enter into a new culture with an education and more money than the locals, they assume they carry the power (Spivak, 1988, Wearing, 2001, Escobar, 1995).

Additional arguments making volunteer tourism a contested form of development are the embedded stereotypical notions of the ‘other’. The volunteer tourist and host interaction is shaped by stereotypes because “tourists and hosts who have not been exposed to a particular culture’s standards or categorization are more likely to impose their own culture’s categories on others’ categories and use unfamiliar categories wrongly” (Reisinger, 1997: 130). Stereotypes are considered to be the “inevitable consequence of the psychological and cognitive need to categorize and simplify a complex social world” (Augoustinos & Walker, 1998: 629). Stereotypes are the natural way for a person to make sense of the world, but quickly become a demoralizing way of ‘othering’ when used in a country outside of ones own.

Proponents of voluntourism acknowledge that while harmful stereotypes may exist, the opportunity to build relationships between the volunteer and host “give shape to a richer understanding of the volunteer tourism experience, where more equal power relationships are evolving and where the experience is more inclusive of the ‘Other’” (Wearing & Grabowski, 2011: 193). The ‘other’ as described by Hall, (1998) is anyone different for ones self and is commonly the binary form of representation. For example with volunteer tourism it is the wealthy, educated volunteer versus the poor, uneducated local. But, ‘otherness’ is an important part of tourism, and “for the vast majority of people, otherness makes the destination attractive for consumption by establishing its distinctiveness” (Hall, 1998: 140). The study of voluntourism has also enabled researchers to see that people working together on jobs of ‘social significance’ are able to create bonds and develop understanding of one another more important to them than the actual job being completed (Clark, 1978).

There are particular standards that qualify a volunteer tourism program as a success or failure at helping others. Fee and Mdee (2011) discuss effective, ineffective and exploitative forms of voluntourism as follows: Effective voluntourism considers the amount of money paid by volunteers and whether or not it is used to run the organisation and fund development projects. It also considers if the organization has had a long-term presence in the community and how well volunteers are managed as well as monitoring their expectations and training. Ineffective voluntourism is found to have inadequate communication amongst the volunteers, project planners and community, poor planning, low knowledge about local development needs and issues as voiced by the community. They generally lack community participation and are often exploited by local elites. And lastly, exploitative voluntourism, which commonly charges the volunteer a lot of money offering to ‘contribute towards a bright future’, but doesn’t show results or tell the donor where the money goes. This type of exploitative voluntourism is not development focused and is motivated by making money and not helping people (230).

2.1.2 Theories and concepts: The influence of Orientalism and postcolonial theory

The relationship between the volunteer and the host community are shaped by postcolonial discourses commonly taught in the West. Postcolonial studies can be described in many ways, but are commonly considered “an interdisciplinary field of inquiry committed to theorizing the problematics of colonization and decolonization” (Shome & Hegde, 2002: 250). Postcolonial studies can also “refer to a position against imperialism, colonialism and Eurocentrism, including Western thought and philosophy” (Hall & Tucker, 2004: 3). Both definitions are important in understanding the knowledge constructed about developing countries. Often the Global North is seen as being better than the Global South because of better governments, economies, educations, etc. without first understanding the historical context or reasoning causing differences between the two.

Postcolonial identity is shaped by long-standing colonial discourses where there is a strict division between Global North and Global South. This has a direct impact on interactions occurring in both tourism and volunteer tourism and the way people interact. Neocolonialism and imperialism are terms frequently found when reading about volunteer tourism. Neocolonialism in volunteer tourism is the view that the volunteers assert power over the ‘backward’ local community as well as insistence that they know best and should change their way of life to be more Western (Ingram, 2011). Critics of volunteer tourism also call it a commodification of poverty since it often holds a large price tag for most volunteers to witness an impoverished way of life (Wearing, 2001). The tourism industry is dominated by the Global North where most volunteer tourists are from. Many of the poorest people of the world will never have the opportunity to travel internationally and often never leave their village or town (Smith, 2009). According to Smith (2009), “local people are stationary in both a physical and material sense, and they are often condemned to a life of serving mobile, free-spending Western tourists. The psychological effects of such an unequal relationship are arguably as significant as the socio-economic problems they engender” (62). Bound up with this dynamic is an unequal power structure that “produces new discourses, new kinds of knowledge (i.e. Orientalism), new objects of knowledge (the Orient), it shapes new practices (colonization) and institutions (colonial government)” (Hall, 1997: 261). XXX

When considering relationships between the volunteer and host community through a postcolonial lens, it is essential to examine the impact of Oriental discourses and how they shape the relationship. Orientalism brings to light a Global North versus Global South dichotomy that has caused many problems with power struggles and clashes but is said to have also provided an arena for cultural learning (Wearing & Grabowski, 2011). Orientalism, a term coined and defined by Edward Said (1978), is “the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient – dealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the orient” (3). Orientalist actions can directly affect the way relationships are built and formed between the volunteer and local community in addition to playing a role in how the host community represents itself. Additionally there is the phenomenon of self-Orientalism, where “reinventing, reconstructing and renegotiating marketable identities” takes place by and for the local community (Yan & Santos, 2009: 296). Self-Orientalism, according to Dirlik (1996), is very similar to Orientalism and demonstrates that knowledge of the Orient is not just construct by the Global North, but also the Global South. This research will attempt to understand if these theories play a role in volunteer tourism.

2.2 Conceptual framework and research question________________________________

Voluntourism is important in the field of development and its increasing popularity calls for an interrogation of the relationships, impacts and outcomes caused by its usage worldwide. Cambodia, along with most other developing countries, has many active development NGOs using volunteer tourism for monetary gain, skill, and man-power to aid in projects, schools, medical facilities and more. Cambodia was selected for this particular case study because of recent media attention given about the orphanages scamming Western volunteers and tourists to make more money (Papi, 2013). It is important to question if these type of incidents could be prevented by strengthening the relationships being built and maintained between the volunteer and host community. Could an avenue open for understanding and communication rather than a relationship built on assumptions and stereotypes?

Looking at the relationships formed between volunteers and the host community in voluntourism as impacted by postcolonial discourse presents a conceptual framework for which this research is based. Orientalism, or the ‘West is best’ mentality shapes interactions between the Global North and the Global South. The preconceived notions of a culture or place can impact the way relationships are formed and thereby affect the performance or success of development projects. While many researchers and academics have sought to ask the question of whether volunteer tourism causes harm or is beneficial to the host community, this is not the purpose of this particular paper. The research herein aims to answer the question, “Is ‘voluntourism’ perpetuating Orientalist discourses and beliefs, or is it providing a space for social and cultural cohesion?” The interaction taking place between the volunteer and the tourist has a major impact on whether or not beneficial end-goals are met and therefore it is argued, this is an essential question to answer prior to weighing beneficial versus harmful effects.

 2.3 Objectives of the research________________________________________________

The purpose of this research is to identify existing problems associated with postcolonial discourses that effect the relationships formed between volunteer tourists and the local community as well as the NGO. The relationship between the host community and the volunteer and NGO is paramount to the success of a project and necessitates the ability for the beneficiary to be able to eventually stand on their own two feet without remaining in the lesser position of power and continuously requiring assistance from outside sources. Because volunteer tourism is a field in development with steadily increasing growth and popularity, it is necessary to question the elements making it successful or damaging from both perspectives, volunteer and local community, so that it can become a useful tool in development. The research herein aims to demonstrate strengths and weaknesses in relationship building found in volunteer tourism so that future voluntourism programs may be of optimal benefit to both the host community and the volunteer.

3. Background, Research Design, and Methodology

 3.1 Background___________________________________________________________

New Hope Cambodia (NHC), located in Siem Reap, Cambodia, is an NGO serving a population of more than 300 families, most of whom are located in the nearby Mondul 3 village. NHC has been in operation since 2007 and was opened by a local Cambodian man for the purpose of educating children to provide them with the opportunity to escape poverty and jobs in the sex industry. The NGO eventually expanded into what it is today and now includes an outreach center, a health facility, the Helen Bonner Health Centre, a training restaurant and a school. The school teaches approximately 600 students per day while the health clinic has up to 100 patients per day and outreach oversees the safety and welfare of Mondul 3 and other surrounding villages (newhopecambodia.com). NHC employs over 70 local Khmer staff and has a constant, steady flow of volunteers to aid in the function of the school, outreach department and the health center.

New Hope Cambodia was selected as the NGO used for the case study because of the scope of work being done, magnitude of beneficiaries receiving aid, elements of both education and healthcare, and the number of local people employed. NHC provides the researcher a good opportunity to witness all aspects of volunteer tourism from arrival, induction, orientation, volunteer placement, and finally departure. NHC has several departments volunteers can work in and includes a tour director to schedule day-trips. Additionally, NHC has a high volume of volunteers, with anywhere from 4-14 people coming or going each week, as was seen during my two-week stay.

3.1.1 A note on ethics

Strict ethical standards were upheld during this research to not cause physical or psychological harm throughout the process. Special attention was paid to methodologies used, behavior, and following cultural rituals and norms whenever possible. Cambodia is a country with many different cultural standards and beliefs than found in the West and it is considered disrespectful to not follow them. There are particular rules for visitors, especially women, about dress and behavior and I endeavored to follow them at all times (i.e. covering shoulders and knees, particularly upon entering a temple). Culturally, Cambodian people are soft spoken and avoid conflict so respecting that and remaining within their comfort zone was always remembered. Additionally, ethical standards were followed in obtaining [1]consent from research participants as well as providing them with the opportunity to decline participation at any time to give them confidence with their “right to privacy, confidentiality, and freedom from exploitation”(Jorgensen, 1989: 28).

3.2 Use of methodology and data analysis______________________________________

A qualitative dual approach research methodology was necessary to ensure that comprehensive details were gathered. Because of the limited number of interviews and the opportunity to have a first-hand account of witnessing relationships unfolding, two methods were selected. Qualitative analysis is the only viable form of methodology for this particular type of research question where quantitative answers would not yield an appropriate answer. This type of analysis is important to serve the function of dissecting the gathered data “into elements and components; these materials are examined for patterns and relationships, sometimes in connection to ideas derived from literature, existing theories, or hunches that have emerged during fieldwork or perhaps simply commonsense suspicions” (Jorgensen, 1989: 110).

3.2.1 Methods used

Semi-structured interviews and participant observation were carried out during a two-week volunteer position at New Hope Cambodia, an NGO in Cambodia. Data were collected through participant observation as well as primary data being gathered through 11 interviews from NGO employees and international volunteers working with New Hope Cambodia. Semi-structured interviews were selected as the primary data because the amount of analyzable data was more than that of participant observation. Both methodologies were selected as a way to utilize two of the most promising forms of data collection for this particular type of research question as other methods would not yield as much or the same quality of data.

Participant observation gives the researcher an opportunity to “become directly involved in peoples’ daily lives” (Jorgensen, 1989: 20), where the goal is to examine interactions, habits, and daily events. It allows the researcher the opportunity to witness a phenomenon first-hand rather than making an inference on an event or events through various 2^nd or 3^rd degree channels such as case studies completed by other people or hearsay commentary. Participating in group interactions allows the “researcher to participate in naturally unfolding events, and to observe them as carefully and objectively as possible” (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011: 137). Participant observation provides the researcher with an understanding of social dynamics and roles that other methodologies cannot.

The use of semi-structured interviews gives similar questions to the participants increasing the likelihood of receiving data that are analyzable and comparable (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). The eleven interviews were audio-recorded and took place either at the New Hope Cambodia NGO or at The Golden Village Guest House, a hotel were many of the volunteers and NGO staff stay and live. The interviews were subsequently analyzed as well as a detailed analysis of the field notes taken during participant observation.  Originally narrative interviews were going to be used, but through composing a set of interview questions it was decided that semi-structured interviews would be better for continuity of responses and ease of analysis. Semi-structured interviews are easier to analyze than narrative interview type situations because “when different individuals are engaged in free-ranging conversations, even when the topics discussed are similar, there is no way to assess the extent to which the individuals are responding to the same ideas or questions” (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011: 140). Additionally, with the use of a topic guide the interviewer is more likely to receive answers that are comparable if the same questions are being answered (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). Obtaining multiple opinions is an important tool for gathering information via interviews in order to understand different people’s perspectives and representations of a particular phenomenon (Gaskell, 2000).

3.3 Sampling and selection of data____________________________________________

For the completion of interviews, eleven participants were selected. These participants included local (5) local Khmer staff,  (3) Western NGO staff and (3) Western volunteers. Selection of these particular volunteers was made on the basis of relevancy to the research question as well as accessibility and grasp of the spoken English language. The volunteers were in three separate sections of the NGO and could provide different points of view since they were having different types of interactions with the local community. Because the relationship between local Khmer people and the volunteers was being closely examined, it was important to interview people from both sides – volunteers and host community members. Additionally, the NGO staff was selected because of their position and a desire to include a wide variety of positions held. The interviewees included voluntourism coordinators, a teacher, the tourism director, a receptionist in the clinic, as well as the founder of New Hope Cambodia. The volunteers were selected in order to provide a variance of background, age, gender, experience, and volunteer placement within the NGO, although most volunteers at the time were Australian, except for myself and one other when the interviews took place. All three participants volunteered within different departments at New Hope Cambodia – the clinic, school and outreach.

While the data quality received is good, it could be bettered through further investigation incorporating more interviews and more time spent conducting participant observation at the NGO. Two weeks spent volunteering anywhere only provides a glimpse into how relationships are formed or carried out and give limitations to the amount of data that can be collected for analysis. Without the issue of time constraints, a researcher could employ a local translator and expand the pool of interviewees. This particular research could have benefitted from the interview responses of additional volunteers as well as the opinion of local village beneficiaries of New Hope Cambodia, as opposed to only receiving information from the local staff. Gathering data for participant observation would benefit from more time as well through watching other volunteers in the classroom setting in addition to field notes taken from my own interaction with local students and adults.

3.4 Design of research tools_________________________________________________

Having knowledge about a particular phenomenon is necessary for the design and functionality of a research study and for asking questions providing analyzable data (Kvale, 1996). Design of research tools had to be done in two separate parts because of the use of two methodologies. Though analysis was done relatively easy between the two methods, preparation was done separately. There were three separate topic guides created for the interviews because of the different groups of people being interviewed. One topic guide would not have worked across all interviewees, though there was a good amount of overlap between questions for each group. The topic guides for the semi-structured interviews were designed in a manner that would most easily answer the research question without leading the interviewee or asking insensitive questions. Open-ended questions were often asked to provide the interviewee with the opportunity to elaborate in their chosen manor. By employing this tactic, I was then able to use prompts to keep them on track for a specific topic (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). Questions were initially asked to break the ice and establish a report before asking research specific questions, which was generally very easy because a rapport had been built with each interviewee previously because of interpersonal interactions. Once the interviewee seemed at ease, initial questions were asked for the purpose of understanding the interviewee’s background and education to help clarify and analyze the responses given during the interview.

Semi-structured interviews give the interviewee the opportunity to ask similar questions “to increase the likelihood that all topics will be covered in each interview in more or less the same way” (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011: 139). After much reading and attempt at understanding social dynamics within voluntourism, without the benefit of being there, questions in the topic guides were selected based upon their ability receive answers about interactions held with the ‘Other’ without leading the interviewee to answer in a specific way, but in a manner that would yield comparable and analyzable responses. The ‘Other’ was acknowledged to be either the volunteer or a member of the host community depending upon whom was answering the interview questions.

The only way of preparing for participant observation since the researcher does not know what sort of things will be witnessed, is to come prepared with a note-pad and pencil and the ability to think critically about situations as they unfold. Preparation is difficult for participant observation because it is a “method in which the researcher is less in control of the research situation than when using other methods” (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011: 19). In fact, I found that I was on a learning curve for the duration of the research because of a continuous battle with being in the moment as an active participant versus watching other people and stopping to take notes on witnessed interactions. I prepared myself by learning about cultural norms and studying a few words in the native Khmer language to better situate me in the classroom and in comfortable interactions with the local teachers, staff, and students.

3.5 Data analysis_________________________________________________________

Thematic analysis, as defined by Braun and Clarke (2006), is “a method for identifying, analyzing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data” where “the aim of the process is to assemble or reconstruct the data in meaningful or comprehensible fashion. In making sense of the data, you are engaged in theorizing – the construction of meaningful patterns and organizations of facts” (Braun & Clarke, 2006: 6, Jorgensen, 1989: 107). It is useful for its ability to find commonalities and differences among data so that generalizations can be made and the research question answered.

Data from the semi-structured interviews as well as the participant observation field notes were analyzed through a process of thematic analysis, whereby continuously seen themes and patterns were noted and analyzed for meaning and relevance to the research question. But, the analysis process for participant observation begins in the fieldnote making stage where daily observations and conversations can be kept track of as you go along (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011).Thematic analysis is particularly useful because of its flexibility in code and theme selection (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Though the interviews and participant observation were analyzed separately, the conclusions reached were synthesized in the end to reach a final answer in data collected, as you will see below.

Because of time constraints, interviews were analyzed auditorily through a vigorous process of listening, making notes and quoting specific parts of interviews, categorization of themes and similarities, and finally analysis. Only chosen coded sections of each individual interview were transcribed in typed format, which was selected across all interviews based upon the particular questions being answered. Thematic analysis was most appropriate for this type of interview because the interviewees had varying backgrounds, nationalities, age and gender, allowing for a synthesis of ideas and themes. Themes are important to answering a research question because they “capture something important about the data in relation to the research question and represents some level of patterned response or meaning within the data set” (Braun & Clarke, 2006: 82). While the two selected methodologies were best suited for this type of research, it was not without some problems.

 3.6 Complications in methodology and analysis_________________________________

Limitations with these particular methodologies are issues of access and time constraints. The interviewing of teachers and NGO employees needed to be done on a specific time schedule and with sensitivity to [2]cultural time restraints. Additionally, finding spare time to interview the other volunteers was challenging with different schedules and their desire to travel and sightsee during non-work times. Language barriers and thick accents were a challenge during the interviews and the analysis period and at times called for repeating an answer or question, or asking for clarification. Often the questions were reworded in a manner more easily understood by the Cambodian interviewee. Throughout the analysis process it was noted that some answers could have been given based upon a lack of fluency with the English language, which could thereby affect the reliability of answers given by the interviewee. A study of this variety would greatly benefit from the use of an interpreter when collecting data.

Though good results were obtained during the analysis process, it would be preferable to have all interviews transcribed for easier analysis. Money and time constraints made this impossible due to the volunteer placement being the end of July, 2013. Additionally, gathering data for participant observation proved to be much more difficult than anticipated. As a volunteer myself, it was arduous to stop and take notes during class time where I was required to spend all time and effort with the children in the classroom and often notes were not kept until later in the day when I had time to sit and write down experiences and interaction that took place during the day. Without time constraints and with more practice, more notes with greater detail could be obtained that could advance the data. If the research could have been done differently, it would have been better to sit and watch other volunteers as they interacted with the teachers and students.

The biggest issue that occurred throughout the research process was an error made because of both computer error and user error. During my final and most important interview with the Founder and Managing Director of New Hope Cambodia, the audio recording had stopped working after only four minutes. I was diligent about checking to see that it was working properly during all other interviews, but was consumed by the interview and forgot to check throughout to make sure it was working. This was the one and only time where it malfunctioned and the only interview where I forgot to check. Immediately after the completion of the interview the mistake was realized. The interviewee was notified of the problem and asked if questions could be emailed, to which he agreed. I went back through the questions directly after the interview and noted responses from memory. The interview questions were emailed to the interviewee the following day and I received the responses via video recording and was able to transcribe the interview. The answers received the second time around were very similar to the first interview and were used for analysis.

The final issue in sampling was that prior to arrival in Cambodia I obtained permission from the NGO to conduct interviews and participant observation during my volunteer placement. I was happy to provide information to them about the topic for my research as they requested, but this opens the research up for the possibility of bias within the answers if staff members discuss what should be said prior to the interviews, though it was not decided who would be interviewed until I was physically present in Cambodia.

4. Results and Interpretation

Data collected from semi-structured interviews and participant observation were analyzed using a process of thematic analysis where selected quotes were placed into a [3]table for easy selection of keywords and themes running throughout the research. [4]Some sections of the table were left blank based upon whether or not relevant responses were received in that specific code or theme. Themes were selected based upon the interviewees’ responses and whether or not similar ideas were discussed across many of the interviews. As stated by DeWalt and DeWalt (2011), “if several informants in different contexts voice similar ideas or concerns, it is in fact powerful evidence that the issues are salient and that understandings are widely shared” (140). Many common ideas were shared across all participants whether they were Western volunteers or local Cambodian employees. Because the focus of this research was to see if postcolonial discourse and Orientalism have an effect on relationship building between the host and volunteer, attention was paid to several main concepts including feeling toward the ‘other’, positive and negative interactions held, gathering an understanding about why both the volunteer chose to complete a volunteer placement and why the NGO chose to take on volunteers, and what future expectations were after the volunteer left from both perspectives.

Within the findings there were 4 major postcolonial themes reoccurring throughout. These themes include Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, ‘Othering’ and Partnership. All themes will be discussed in detail with reference to meaning below.

4.1 Thematic Analysis- Themes_______________________________________________

 Orientalism

As discussed earlier, Orientalism refers to the notion of the Global North’s desire to have power over, and make decisions for, the Global South (Said, 1978). This type of interaction insinuates that the Western volunteers know better than the local Cambodian community. Commentary made demonstrating Orientalist tendencies was made by seven of the eleven interviewees. Orientalist notions can be seen in the following quotes obtained during the interviews:

“Most of them feel really happy about the foreigners visiting. They think Western people, they are good and kind and come there to help. Most of the tourist just come for a couple night and they just stay in the hotel and go and see Angkor Wat and then they go back. They stay in a room that’s really expensive like 300 or 200 per night and they don’t see how people live. That’s how we understand that people really want to help. They really welcome it” (Channy C).

“I think they’re really appreciative of the time we spend with them. Everything that comes out of our mouth, they just try and soak up and pay attention. They just want to know as much as they can from us because it is really beneficial to them” (Ash D).

As demonstrated in the above quotes, there is an assumption of the Westerner holding the power because of their education, position as a volunteer, and money. The “foreigner” or ‘Westerner’ tourists are always assumed to be rich by the local Cambodians. Comparatively speaking, this is true, however it is one of the ways the Orientalist divide has been created and it creates a power dynamic with the tourist or volunteer tourist being the power holder because they are the decision maker for where their money will be spent and how they will choose to help. The local community wants monetary support from the ‘rich’ Western tourists and use self-Orientalism as a way of making it happen, which will be seen below.

Self-Orientalism

The theme of self-Orientalism refers to commentary made constructing Cambodia as different or a lower status than developed countries by the local population. Self-orientalist type quotes were obtained by six of the eleven interviewees making it another common reoccurring theme. Quotes mentioned ranged from commentary given on a personal level to comments made referring to the Cambodian population and were made both by the local staff and the Western staff working for New Hope Cambodia.

“Very, very important that all the volunteers from the world, after they come to work with New Hope Cambodia organization, they already know exactly about the New Hope purpose. They understand about the poverty in Cambodia that our people and children need help. We cant run this organization without volunteer or generous people visitor. We need them to help our organization” (Kemsour).

“Westerners are better than me. When I go they just quiet, but not when the Westerner go” (Rhata S, speaking about the village tour).

“We want people to see how the house in Cambodia like. And for the people, they are uneducated, poverty and uneducation. So they can see how they live and how the condition how they live. Because I think here, the Cambodia is very different than how the Western” (Channy C).

Comments made by the local staff, often could be considered [5]strategic essentialism, where the local community member ‘standardizes’ their public image to be one of poor and uneducated (Eide, 2010). This limits the community down to a few basic parts, also known as ‘cultural reductionism’ and is done for the purpose of spreading awareness about the impoverished community, but also continues postcolonial discourses of Cambodia being nothing more than a tragic place full of poor, uneducated, unhealthy, jobless people (Mohanty, 1991). However, this self-Orientalism serves a purpose for the staff of New Hope Cambodia. It promotes the need for people to donate money and to continue spreading the word about existing poverty.

‘Othering’

The ‘other’ is someone who we perceive different from us and are commonly described using a binary form of representation (Hall, 1997). Comments where ‘othering’ was implied were provided by eight of the eleven interviewees. It was very common to receive comments referring to ‘us’ and ‘them’. As shown in the quotes below, there is a definite binary set up between the locals and the volunteers.

“Most of the volunteer, they come from another country, they always drink and smoke. And sometimes I never go out with the volunteers because they always drink and stay late at night. I never drink. Sometimes they drink a lot, but not for me” (Rhata S).

“Because, well, with Cambodia in general, I feel it’s a reminder that they can get back on their feet, because they were ok once. I think bringing us in and showing them what we’re up t,o and they see it, makes them say, ‘ok, this is what we’re striving for’” (Renae H).

“There are so many things that us being here helps them with, otherwise I guess we wouldn’t be here” (Ash D).

The second comment in particular makes a poignant point of how volunteers unknowingly ‘other’ the local community. By stating that seeing how someone else acts, what they wear, and how they behave would change the way people want to live makes an assertion that you are better than them and they should change and is very similar to the modernization approach once thought to be effective, but later proved as non-effective compared to participatory development strategies where the volunteer, NGO, and local community work together to reach a goal and power dynamics are lessened (Rogers, ####, Servaes, 1996). It was seen throughout all interviews, as well as in participant observation, that the ‘other’ can be both the host community members and the volunteers.

Partnership

Partnership refers to any commentary received about the partnership between a volunteer and community member and/or host NGO. Specifically, anything said that appears to make the element of power disappear. (Baaz, 2005). Commentary was commonly made about the benefit of “working together” (Renae H., 2013) to ensure hierarchical structures were not formed with the Western volunteers over the local employees. Comments relating to partnership were made by seven out of eleven interviews, three Western and four local staff members, and reflected a desire for the volunteers to not be in a power position, but to instead work cohesively together. A few comments made were:

[6]“We need to have Khmer people running the program with less and less Westerners. It’s still in the startup stage and skills based area. My goal is for the locals to run all the departments. The whole ideas is to skill people up so they’ll move on and get other jobs so that we can take on new people, skill them up and move em’ on” (Mark A.)

“Volunteers help to increase and improve the knowledge of the local staff here and to be supports. Originally there wasn’t many Khmer staff so it was actually to do some work. Now it has changed because we have the staff and volunteers are purely as a support mechanism, because we can run without them day to day, but they’re here as supports” (Jody B.)

There was typically a commonality throughout the interviews for a desire of equality, kinship and support to be held between host community members and the volunteers. This was commonly seen during the weekly volunteer meetings where all volunteers and several staff members would meet to discuss any questions or problems that had arisen as well as stating their favorite experience from the past week. I was in attendance for two of the meetings where the founder and managing director of New Hope Cambodia, Kemsour, was present. Both times he made a point to thank the volunteers and let them know that without our help, the ventures at NHC would not be possible, stating that “volunteers are an important part of New Hope Cambodia”.

According to Baaz (2005) people aiding in development should not only provide help in any way needed but to also “‘become part of the local community’, to learn and further share this experience with other people upon return to their home country and thereby enhance knowledge and interests in development issues among the public” (23). This was emphasized by commentary received in interviews when the local staff where commonly they responded that the driving force to host volunteer tourists was to raise money and awareness for New Hope Cambodia and the people of Mondul 3 and the other surrounding villages.

4.2 Outreach, sponsorship, and postcolonial understanding________________________

Outreach- sponsoring a local Khmer family

During my two week stay I asked permission to attend outside meetings and gatherings for aid provision or learning opportunities providing a view of relationships between the host and volunteer. One such occurrence was the introduction of volunteers to their sponsored Cambodian family. Here is a look at the notes from that day,

[7]“I was able to join two fellow volunteers to a village outside of Siem Reap to meet a family they had chosen to sponsor. The family consisted of a grandmother and her grandson. All other family members had died. The home was secluded and made of bamboo and palm fronds. There was no electricity or toilet and water was collected from a hand-pump well outside. The volunteers sponsoring the family brought a bicycle, cooking supplies, a new bed mat, a large mosquito net, and school supplies and uniforms for the child. The sponsor family was pleased to see us when we arrived and invited us into there home. We removed our shoes upon entering and sat on the floor next to an open flame where food was being cooked. We had an interpreter with us so conversation flowed relatively easily between the volunteers and the sponsor family. The conversation mostly consisted of the volunteers asking the sponsor family what else they needed and how they previously survived without sponsorship. There was a lot of silence and awestruck wonder happening as well between the two cultures checking each other out – examining the home and surroundings so different from their Western homes. While I know this is what sponsorship is all about, when viewed from a postcolonial perspective, this is a good example of Orientalism where the Western sponsors hold all of the power and decision making and comes to aid the poor, uneducated, and helpless Cambodian family.”

As noted at the end of the field note, a postcolonial critique can be made about this interaction, however, the purpose of the NGO is to aid impoverished people and they are successful at acquiring donations and sponsors. Ultimately, the local family receives food and money each month and the volunteer leaves with a sense of accomplishment and pride in helping a needy family. The connection made between the local family and the volunteers, though it may not have been one of equality, was one of sincerity and compassion.

Village Tour

Each volunteer was permitted to go on a tour of the local Mondul 3 village to see the conditions many of the residents lived in. One of the questions asked in the interviews with staff members was “what is the purpose of taking the volunteers to see the Mondul 3 village?” The answer was very similar from all respondents and demonstrated the desire to show people the reality of poverty in the village to receive more donations.

[8]“So it’s just more about giving them a realistic view of what these people’s living conditions are like and I think that’s probably a big part of why we get a lot of people that are then sponsoring families as well because they can see…So I think to have the connection of seeing where these people live, seeing where your money is going to, it’s really increased the amount of people that are sponsoring and the amount of people that then come through New Hope” (Anthony E).

“The purpose why we decided for volunteer to visit the village because I know that some people before they decided to support or donate to New Hope organization, some people they really would like to see the real, the poverty of poor people or child, people living in the village. Some volunteer, they like to see the condition or situation of the people living in the slum area and how the children stay in the house. Because as you can see the slum area around the New Hope is very small house, one house there stay a few people. Some the small house, they 7 or 8 people in the family. So, and also, like, we would like the volunteer or visitor to understand more in the condition living in the village that this is our people need help. This is people need restoring and help them. They see that New Hope need to change their life in the village” (Kemsour).

The volunteers were asked a question about the village tour as well, they were asked, “Did you have any expectations about what Mondul 3 or the people you would come across would be like?” Similar answers were received by interviewees with this question.

“I had no idea what I was going to see. I had the thought in my mind that people are just living like it is around here in houses, they’re not great, but they’re a house. I was completely shocked, like, it really hit me hard. When I went out there I was struggling hard to see where the big families were living, where my students were living. It was really tough. I really struggled. You definitely couldn’t expect it” (Ash D).

Touring the village satisfies the ‘tourist gaze’ (Urry, ####) and promotes donations and sponsorships for the people of the village. In voluntourism, “the disease, poverty and pollution afflicting the Global South are not hidden from sight. On the contrary, these ‘disturbing’ realities are what constitute a large part of the appeal and justify the cost of volunteering trips” (Vrasti, 2013: 7). This is part of the appeal to many volunteers. Volunteers are curious about how the ‘other half’ of the world live and through volunteer tourism, they get to find out.

4.3 Reading between the lines: what the themes mean_____________________________

“In the case of volunteer tourism each individual will construct the meaning of their experience according to their own cultural and social background, the purpose of the visit, their companions, preconceived and observed values of the host culture, the marketing images of the destination and, above all, the relationships of power between visitor and host cultures, as well as within the host culture” (Wearing, 2001: 3).

As was demonstrated in the interviews and field notes, the ‘other’ can be either the volunteer or the host community. Rarely was it seen that the ‘other’ was a person of equality but instead a person of comparison and difference. The paradigm of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ was common throughout the interviews with all participants whether it be Orientalist or self-Orientalist. When speaking of the ‘other’ there was always an obvious lineation made between ‘us’ and ‘them’, particularly when discussing money and education. It was found that this type of ‘othering’ is a common process for fundraising and awareness and works to the advantage of both the host community and the volunteer tourist to set up both the desire for the volunteer to help and the demonstration of poverty by the locals to attract donors. The local Cambodian staff commonly made commentary alluding to partnership, while Orientalist and ‘othering’ comments were made by the volunteers. All five local staff members made comments fitting into the partnership theme, but also all made self-Orientalist comments. This shows the desire to work together with developed countries and also the continuation of the postcolonial Western construct of ‘West is best’.  ‘Othering’ comments were made by five of the six volunteers and staff members coming from developed countries, and in this case all came from Australia.

While this research found voluntourism to be highly influenced by postcolonial elements such as Orientalism, Self-Orientalism and ‘othering’, it was not to the detriment of the development projects. Volunteer tourism provided a platform for partnership where supportive relationships and bonds were created as well as mutual learning and understanding taking place. It is a common reoccurring issue in the field of development that the relationships are unequal between the aid worker and the beneficiary or host community (Baaz, 2005), but it seems as though volunteer tourism provides the opportunity for cultural learning and the forming of positive postcolonial discourses. Most notably this research found that the use of ‘strategic essentialism’ was common. Through self-Orientalism the local staff made it clear that there was a need for money because the Cambodian people were ‘uneducated’, ‘poor’ and in desperate need of money from the ‘rich’ Westerners volunteers who had the power to help them through donations, education, and spreading the word about the helpless state of Cambodia to other people living in the Global North. This practice of reducing the population down to just a few dejected adverbs was opposite of what was expected. The host community is able to assert their self-Orientalism to achieve financial goals and get volunteers for various projects. The volunteer finds confidence, donates money, and shares their wealth and education making them feel as if they’ve accomplished exactly what they came to do.

Postcolonial discourse will continue to evolve and change as questions are asked of power arrangements and better understanding of knowledge production, particularly with a globalizing world and the blurring of international borders. Though it is hard to speculate where the field of volunteer tourism will head, there are several steps that can be taken to insure that beneficial relationships are formed that allow development projects to be more successful and long lasting.

4.3 Building strong supportive bonds between volunteers and host communities________

“Providing a volunteer tourism experience where the tourist focus is on the interaction with community members from different cultures has been praised as an effective means to improve the tourism experience and expected to improve cross-cultural sensitivity and reduce the ‘othering’ of developing countries’ cultures” (Wearing & Grabowski, 2011: 202).

Education about a particular culture is immensely useful in creating strong bonds and understanding between a host community and a volunteer tourist. Sending organizations and NGOs hosting the volunteers would help the relationship building process by providing advance information about cultural, and historical issues about the community they will be coming into contact with prior to the volunteer tourists arrival. These issues may include cultural norms and behaviors, religion, way of dressing for both men and women including issues of modesty, and historical context giving insight to why the country is in the state it’s in.

As with the practice of New Hope Cambodia, requiring a police background check, the signing of a Child Protection Policy, and providing a ‘Code of Conduct’ are also of huge benefit to the host community and the volunteer tourist. Not only does this automatically deter many intentionally harmful people from being able to volunteer but it also demonstrates the severity of harmful action. Putting this in place tells the host community that their protection is important and demonstrates the importance of protecting the local community to the volunteer. Connections are also built through learning the native language as well as body language and hand gestures for giving thanks or a greeting. Learning a language is not possible with short stays, but a guide for commonly used words (i.e. please, thank you, hello, goodbye, etc.) gives the volunteer the advantage of being able to show thanks and gratitude respectfully and provides a new element for communication and connection building.

It is also paramount to educate the volunteer tourist about the importance of working alongside the host community rather than being above them, demonstrating power over local knowledge and culture. Voluntourism models should be shaped in a way that the volunteer learns from the host community what their needs are to support and develop the community, not what they think should happen. Volunteers should be educated on the importance of putting their own ideas of the way things should be done and respecting the time and order of selected projects. Sharing of knowledge is important when done in a proper way that does not assert ‘Orientalist’ notions of the ‘West being the best’. Lastly, a guide covering postcolonial misconceptions may be of use. Necessarily, this guide would be written in commonly used and understood words that were easy for the volunteer tourist to comprehend, but could provide them with the knowledge about the host community necessary to diminish some of the negative ‘othering’ brought about by misunderstandings, misconceptions and stereotypes.

5. Final discussion

Many critics of volunteer tourism consider it to be a new form of colonialism – or neocolonialism. Some critics have noted that even when a volunteer comes in with intention to only ‘do good’, their “contributions are prone to be influenced by ‘their own visions’ of how society should be” (Ingram, 2011: 216). But alternatively, a critic of Said’s ‘Orientalism’, Bhaba (1994) believes there is shared power between the Orient and the Occident, also known as the Global North and the Global South, and full power does not lie on one side or the other. This research project found that if volunteer tourism is done properly, with the decision making resting predominantly within the hands of the local NGO, and the volunteer tourists are used as support, the relationships are stronger and the project success is higher. As noted in the Lonely Planet guide for volunteers (2010), “whether international volunteering is the new colonialism or not is, in large part, down to the attitudes of you, the volunteer and the organization you go with” (10).

It is the open flow of communication and understanding between the volunteer, NGO or sending organization, and the host community that allows for the best outcomes on development projects and success. Volunteer tourism provides the opportunity to “facilitate a cross-cultural flow of information and thus promote the development of cross-cultural understanding” (Wearing, 2001: 147). Learning about the destination before attempting to help is of utmost importance and places the volunteer in a better position for serving the host community, which is ultimately the reason for volunteer tourism anyway.

There is currently not any conclusive evidence within available literature about the effect, good or bad, volunteer tourism has on host communities (Ingram, 2011), but as demonstrated in the literature review, there are ample arguments on both sides to state otherwise. This research found that the relationship between volunteers and host, at least for this particular case study, is a symbiotic one working in advantage of both parties. The volunteer experiences the opportunity to aid an underdeveloped and impoverished community and the host community receives monetary gain and a better grasp of the English language. Not only do preconceived notions learned through Orientalist discourse shape interactions, but volunteer and host education, personality, background, and the learning process while interacting, have the potential to shape the experience.

There is a strong reciprocally beneficial relationship between volunteer and host community, where the volunteer gets a sense of achievement in helping the host community and the host community gets a monetary gain and a better grasp of the English language. The question will remain if this is a good thing or a bad thing, but for now, at least in the case of New Hope Cambodia, the relationship works and is seemingly stronger than ever before.

[1] You can find the consent form and participant information sheet in Appendices # &# on pages # & #.

[2] There was an observed daily 3 hour lunch break at the New Hope Cambodia NGO

[3] See Appendix C on page #

[4] The first table seen on pages #-# in Appendix C demonstrates examples of responses given by the interviewees while the second table on page # demonstrates examples and quotes obtained during participant observation.

[5] ‘Strategic Essentialism’ was first coined by Spivak (1988).

[6] Words have been italicized for emphasis and quotes have not been altered for grammatical errors.

[7] Fieldnotes were taken July 26, 2013 when I was able to go with two volunteers to meet the sponsor family. Italicized by author for emphasis.

[8] Italicized by author for emphasis

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